After months of political turmoil and corruption scandals, Turkey’s most controversial local elections are finally over. These local elections have been the toughest, the most polarizing and dividing in the country’s political history. PM Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) declared a 46-percent win, but ensuing results indicated that AKP won 43-percent of the vote. Erdogan didn’t wait to make his balcony speech until results have been verified by the Supreme Electoral Council of Turkey (aka YSK) and stated that the opponents “will pay!”
Not so surprisingly, Erdogan’s
ruling party wasn’t the only one to call election results a victory. Three
other opposition parties; Republican People’s Party (CHP), Nationalist Movement
Party (MHP), Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) also declared the local elections
a success based on their gains and overall performance. These four parties won
about 95-percent of the vote. Other political parties lost voters to major
players of the game due mainly to the nature of this highly polarized election.
The 2014 local elections have been
peculiar in many regards. So unique that I believe an analysis and
ascertainment of damage is indispensable for various reasons. Such an analysis
will shed light on the fate of upcoming elections in Turkey.
Local elections have never been as
important and vital (if not more) as general elections in modern Turkish
history like it was this time. After all, people would simply vote to decide
who is going to pick up their trash. However, embattled Erdogan’s extraordinary
reaction to graft probes, which erupted only two months before the election,
his following bellicose and polarizing rhetoric as well as excessive use of
ostensibly nationalist arguments changed the face of local elections. For this
reason, Erdogan did not hesitate to opt for a strategy of dividing the country
into loyalists and traitors. Such rhetoric has become Erdogan’s first and
foremost tactic in an effort to thwart the corruption probes and secure the
loyalty of his supporters. Erdogan ratcheted up the pressure and stakes so that
all of his slogans created a sense of ‘consistency’ and ‘fixed perception’
among followers. Campaign slogans such as “foreign powers,” “dirty
international media,” “blood lobby,” “vampires,” “blood suckers,”
“ravenous (opponents),” “(bloodsucking)
leeches,” “viruses,” “Second War of Independence,” “interest lobbies,”
“international masterminds,” “parallel state,” “no surrender,” “pawns of
international networks,” “traitors,” “spies,” “global assassination attempt,”
“Hashashins (an ancient group of assassins),” “fuddled (opponents),” “coup
supporters,” “hollow saint,” “fake
prophet,” and “those who worship people” helped shape the minds of AK party
followers and other undecided yet religiously inspired and nationalistically
oriented voters. When someone dared to criticize Erdogan’s handling of the
corruption probes, pro-AKP media, AKP Trolls (AK Party’s paid army of social
media users), and some loyal supporters utilized the same set of virulent verbal
attacks crafted by Erdogan himself to block criticism, divert attention, and
defame and silence opponents.
Erdogan’s second yet highly
influential tactic was to use the ballot box as a mechanism to get acquitted
from the corruption accusations and bribe allegations and to divert attention
from leaked tapes that allegedly showed members of the government, including
Erdogan himself and his son, laundering millions of dollars. Immediately after
disabling the judiciary and the police he kicked off his election campaign with
the abovementioned slogans and told his followers through AKP-controlled media
that the “National Will” (referring to people who will vote for him in the
upcoming municipal elections) will acquit his government. Critics and opposition
parties, however, stressed that people who are implicated in corruption and
theft can only be cleared at the court, not at the ballot box. This, however,
did not stop Erdogan to turn local polls into some sort o referendum to decide
if claims of corruption are approved by public or not. As I mentioned at the
beginning, when Erdogan’s party got 43-percent of the votes, he didn’t lose
time to make his balcony speech along with close family members and other
government members who were accused of corruption. In his speech he said “our
people gave a clear message” and thanked citizens for “giving support to new
Turkey’s Independence War.” His comments followed by a promise that his
opponents “will pay” and that they [government] will “enter their [followers of
the Hizmet movement and critics] dens.” Before the election, PM Erdogan invited
every government official, prosecutor, judge, and social group member, who
criticized his rhetoric and the way he handled graft probes, to form a
political party and challenge him at the ballot box instead. This attitude
continued after the elections when he invited Hasim Kilic, Turkey’s top judge,
to take off his (judge) gown and start a political party when Kilic accused PM
Erdogan and his government of committing “a corruption of conscience” against justice.
Erdogan’s use of similar tactics,
when Gezi riots erupted just several months ago, had already increased the
divide between his religious, conservative supporters and seculars, liberals,
Alawis, Kurds, and nationalists in the country in a way that undermined social
cohesion. Now, with his reaction to corruption cases and putting the blame on
another religious group called the Hizmet (aka Gulen) movement, the largest and
most influential spiritual group in Turkey which transcends the borders of
Turkey with its schools and other social institutions, Erdogan’s towering
us-against-them discourse has even divided Muslims in the country with distinct
lines for the first time in modern Turkish history. His incessant chastising efforts
of the largest and most influential spiritual group, which didn’t want to side
with an Islamist government that is allegedly corrupted, created such a
threatening and alienating environment that even surpassed those inflicted upon
the movement by secularist Kemalist regime for the past few decades. Erdogan
labeled this spiritual group as “Hashashins,” “viruses,” “parallel state,”
“pawns of international networks,” “malignant tumor,” “blood suckers,” and told
his supporters that they (his government) will “break their hands,” “enter
their dens,” and “crush them.” Fethullah Gulen himself stated that “what they
are seeing today is 10 times worse than what they saw during the military
coups,” adding that this time they faced “similar treatment [as seen during the
military coups] but at the hands of civilians who they think follow the same
faith as them.” Erdogan’s government purged thousands of police officers and
prosecutors who are involved in the graft investigations claiming they are all
members of the Gulen Movement and “part of a global assassination attempt”
against his government. Businesses close to Gulen Movement have been harrassed
by the Department of Treasury with unnecessary investigations. Members of the
Gulen Movement have been invited to leave the movement’s institutions and join
them [AK Party] and asked to disobey their “elder brothers and sisters.”
Erdogan asked all Turkish embassies to convince foreign countries to close the
Turkish Schools operated by the Gulen Movement. He even called some of the
presidents, including President Obama, himself. These requests have, of course,
been ignored by Turkish ambassadors and foreign Presidents. All university
preparation institutions called ‘dershanes’ and study centers in Turkey,
majority of which belongs to Gulen Movement, have been closed. In addition,
Erdogan’s AK Party encouraged all the other Islamic groups to support the
government and sign a declaration against the Gulen Movement. Some of the
religious groups accepted the invitation and blamed the Hizmet Movement for
being anti-government and for mixing religion with politics not realizing that
they themselves are signing off on a political declaration to show that they
are siding with the government! These are things that have never been attempted
even by the secularist military and civilian elites before.
Erdogan’s tactics to win the local
elections were so dividing and polarizing that it has even divided
neighborhoods and families. There are a lot of families in which some members
support AKP and some are actively volunteer in the non-profit or for-profit
institutions of the Gulen Movement. Erdogan’s strategies gave rise to arguments
among family members and created resentment, hostility, bitterness, and social
disharmony among fathers, sons, moms, daughters, and son-in-laws, etc. In the
same line, daily newspaper Hürriyet, which has a mainstream, liberal,
nationalist and secularist outlook, recently published an open letter to PM
Erdogan stating "we expect you to not discriminate between citizens and
institutions as the prime minister of 76 million people." The letter added
"whatever percentage of votes you get, it should be your and all of our
duty after the elections to defuse the dangerous polarization and the tension
that has spread throughout the whole country."
This election has also been unique
in the history of modern Turkish democracy in terms of the amount of election
abnormalities that have been reported by people. Amid Internet crackdowns and Twitter bans
before, during, and after the election, people found alternate ways to access
the social media in an effort to voice their opinions as well as to post
pictures of hundreds of burned ballot boxes and votes that belonged to
opposition parties and to share altered lists comparing what they have
submitted to the Supreme Electoral Council and what has been released to the
public. In Ankara where the competition was stiff, Interior Minister visited
the Supreme Electoral Council with his men with no explanations to the public,
which then followed by AKP’s sudden lead in the city. These are just a few of
the abnormalities that have been reported. In most major cities there were
power outages during official vote counts. When asked for an explanation, the
Minister of Energy and Natural Resources said a cat that entered a power
distribution unit was the cause of controversial power blackouts that affected
35 cities throughout the day. Interestingly enough, a government insider named
‘fuatavni’, who became a Twitter phenomena in a short period of time reaching
over 800,000 followers, provided constant stream of information regarding how
Erdogan and his government is allegedly planning to sabotage the election.
Right before the election, Fuat Avni warned public and opposition parties that
Erdogan allegedly ordered his advisors to organize a group of people to alter
the counts before they are submitted to the Supreme Electoral Council,
distribute already-stamped ballots to their supporters, cause power blackouts,
and bribe ballot box officials who are close their worldview. When similar
abnormalities have been reported following the elections, Fuat Avni told his
followers that he did his part by revealing plans, but nobody took him
seriously.
Now that Turkey’s most polarizing
elections have passed, the controversy, debates, and Twitter bans still
continue to divide an already divided people. It is not hard to see that the
Turkish politics and democratic life are certainly at a critical stage. Can a
government be victorious at the ballot box and claim to be acquitted from
corruption probes? Can a municipal election be claimed a “War of Independence”
against government’s opponents? For Erdogan, the answer is ‘yes.’ I guess we
will have to wait and see what the time will say as the ultimate judge. After
all, people can be swayed, misled, or convinced, but the truth always wins.